Feb 122008
Authors: Phil Elder

With the end of the Cold War came a new era of international political structure- analysts and negotiators saw the death of the sovereign nation as the source of dominant power and the birth of the international governmental organization.

With the globalization of communication and the requisite of international trade for modern economies, the world witnessed the inception of the African Union, the European Union, the Latin Union, the League of Arab States and many others to join the ranks of such pre-existing organizations as NATO and the World Bank.

However, the death of the individual power doesn’t bring the end of aggressive politics, and a new coalition is rapidly forming among three very ambitious, very strong and very dangerous rising stars: Russia, India and China.

Economically, the potential organization seems stable; India and China are in need of massive amounts of power and desire a stronger defensive hand in the modern world.

Russia, rich in both energy production and military might, is more than happy to receive two strong trading posts for its goods.

Political analysis, however, leads to a very different conclusion.

Under Putin, Russia has developed into a very strong, and very resentful, world power.

Responsible for its unprecedented economic surge, Putin has turned his nation into a viciously powerful global contender, with its seemingly endless oil supplies and nuclear weapons, and has no qualms with the use of this newfound strength to make his voice resound in the international community.

He has announced intent to aim nuclear missiles at the Ukraine, pending its alliance with North Atlantic Treaty Organization and deployment of American anti-ballistic missile shields.

Claiming the move restricts Russian sovereignty, Putin stresses the need for “retaliatory action” if Yushchenko completes his deal with the western world.

Putin, also eager to help Russia’s neighbors and allies, has signed massive energy and defensive deals with India, including four new nuclear power plants to accompany the two being built by the nuclear power on Indian soil.

Coupled with their enormous defensive sales (70 percent of Indian military equipment comes directly from Russia) the annual trade between the two nations has reached $5 billion, with very realistic prospects of doubling in the next two years.

Though India remains the least questionable in the developing coalition, its inseparable military and economic ties with the proverbial bad crowd of China and Russia could lead the rising nuclear power to make some very poor decisions.

So where does China fit in? Its constant communication and trade with the two aforementioned allies show a direct connection therewith, but one doesn’t need to examine coalition involvement to be very, very afraid of the rising Asian Tiger.

China’s domestic policy regarding dissent and its treatment of Tibet and Taiwan show not only its global ambition, but also what exactly it does with said ambition.

It has the highest execution rate in the world, not including the undocumented verdicts, and the humanitarian treatment of its political prisoners is horrific.

Its foreign policy, however, is the real reason for concern for Americans.

Not only does it have us financially hog-tied, with claim to upwards of 40% of our foreign debt and nearly 15 percent of our imported goods, but it also has agents in dangerously high levels of our government, the most recent case thereof being a top-secret clearance level Pentagon agent actively transferring national and defensive secrets to China.

With Russia’s resentment and distrust of the Western world, China’s endless ambition and economic stranglehold on the international market, and the domestic humanitarian track record and combined financial and military power of the three sovereign nations comes a pressing and real reason for western powers to be very afraid.

Phil Elder is a senior political science major. His column appears Wednesdays in the Collegian. Letters and feedback can be sent to letters@collegian.com.

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